Like his 1996 counterpart, Senate nominee Peter Fitzgerald will have to contend with a widening gender gap when he faces Democratic incumbent Carol Moseley-Braun in November.

To this point it unclear how the Inverness senator will avoid a repeat of the 1996 election that featured Democratic nominee Dick Durbin, a champion of abortion rights and gun control, upending the ultra-conservative Al Salvi, who suffered a major blow at the polls when Republican women crossed over to vote for his opponent.

Tuesday’s primary mirrors the 1996 primary matchup between Salvi and Bob Kustra, in which the more moderate Kustra was rejected by conservatives who favored Salvi’s views on abortion.

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With this and the 1996 general election in mind, Fitzgerald could be staring down the barrel of his own gun, waiting for another moderate backlash to blow him away at the polls.

Mike Lawrence, an SIUC political analyst, contends Fitzgerald must devise a strategy to combat the much-anticipated cross-over vote. Lawrence expects the Fitzgerald camp to paint Braun as an extreme fiscal liberal while moving more to the middle himself. What the Republican nominee will do to defend his stances on abortion and gun control, though, remains a mystery. Unfortunately for Fitzgerald, the election might hinge on how successful he is in doing this because, as Lawrence points out, a conservative Republican has never won a statewide race.

We received a preview in the primary of what’s to come, Lawrence said. The whole idea here will be to create a contrast. For Fitzgerald it’ll be between a legislator who voted against tax increases and bigger spending against a big taxer and big spender.

But, if I were in the Fitzgerald camp, I’d be very concerned about losing the independent women who are pro-choice.

Despite the tactical difficulties facing Fitzgerald, one thing is for certain. Fitzgerald, the heir to a Chicago banking fortune, will spend as much money as it takes to defeat his opponent. Since declaring for Senate, Fitzgerald has spent about $7 million, and vows to spend more in the general election if necessary. Fitzgerald’s impressive media blitz during the primary has made believers out of many pundits and insiders, including Lawrence, who now thinks Fitzgerald has the creative firepower to contend with Braun in November. This may work in his favor heading into the general election. But, without providing pro-choice Republican women a good reason to vote for him, money may be meaningless.

He has to find a way to at least mitigate the gender gap, Lawrence said.

Fitzgerald campaign spokesman Tim Bryers maintains his candidate can bypass a backlash in November by adhering to the same message of fiscal conservatism that won the hearts of primary voters. Bryers expects a hard-fought battle ahead, but is confident Fitzgerald can close the gender gap by appealing to people’s pocketbooks. Fitzgerald hopes this, coupled with his pro-family rhetoric, could reel in women who are entertaining the Braun alternative.

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Refusing to bask in the glory of primary victory, the Fitzgerald campaign fired the first salvo of the election, taking aim at Braun’s precarious diplomatic activities. Braun’s unauthorized trip to Nigeria where she met with Sani Abacha, the country’s dictator, came under fire in 1996 and has plagued her popularity ratings since. Fitzgerald took advantage of this Wednesday when he branded the Democratic senator a radical who might be under the influence of a foreign country.

Braun was not available for comment.

If Fitzgerald’s remarks are any indication of what is to come, the race promises to be a nasty one. Though most pundits expect this kind of campaign, the turnaround on the part of Fitzgerald came sooner than expected. But in painting his opponent as an extremist, he also must highlight his positives and persuade voters his policies are more responsible. Failing to do so will force Fitzgerald back to the country club missing a large chunk of his inheritance.